When the framers of the United States Constitution established the office of United States President, the framers limited the amount of power and authority possessed by whoever held the office (Rofe & Thompson, 2011). To illustrate the limited role the founding fathers intended the executive branch to have, Stevenson (2012) stated that less than 225 words were used to lists the powers of the presidency. Not only was the authority of the presidency limited, but the overall size of the federal government was also relatively small (Ernst, 2016) in comparison to the behemoth into which it has evolved. For example, Ernst (2016) noted that early in the United States’ history, the entire federal government only employed a few thousand individuals. In contrast, the Congressional Resource Service (2019) estimated that by 2020 there all well over four million people who are employed by the federal government. These figures show the exponential growth experienced by the federal government since the United States’ existence.
In addition to the size of government expanding over time, the United States’ role in foreign affairs has dramatically shifted since the founding of the nation (Rofe & Thompson, 2011). Initially, the United States took a neutral view of global affairs that did not directly impact the country (Donahue, 2011). However, even a casual observer of current affairs knows the United States is involved with many significant incidents across the world. The COVID-19 pandemic and the tensions between China and Taiwan are a few examples. Some individuals are tasked with national security that works in the United States and abroad to keep Americans safe (Donahue, 2011). Due to the President’s role as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces and their duty to provide security to the United States and its allies, it would be nonsensical to expect the President to carry out those duties without an expansion of powers effectively. It can be assumed that the execution of the federal government’s expanded duties, particularly those of the executive branch, could not be possible without increasing the number of individuals providing advice to the president.
The National Security Council is an example of a group of presidential advisors. They became necessary due to the expansion in the federal government’s growth and complexity, as well as an increase in the complexity of the international security environment (Donahue, 2011). According to Donahue (2011), the National Security Council was established following World War II to disseminate information vital from intelligence sources to the president and information from the president to the appropriate personnel. The National Security Council is chaired by the President of the United States and is comprised of several civilians and military personnel (Donahue, 2011). To illustrate the ever-growing need to add advisors to face the threats posed to national security, the National Security Council members have increased, and the amount of money dedicated to national security has increased exponentially since the inception of the council (Donahue, 2011).
In Romans 13 (King James Version), Paul stated that God gave the authority and responsibility of protection to the government. Therefore, the federal government has a biblical obligation to conduct itself in a way that will ensure the safety of the citizenry (Romans 13). Since God requires governments to protect their citizens and an increase in the number of national security advisors to the president would improve the executive branch’s ability to make the correct decision regarding national security, then an increase in sound advisors to the president is consistent with a biblical worldview. However, as discussed in the previous discussion post assignment, there can be grave consequences with heeding poor advice. Therefore, presidents must seek sound advice that will improve the national security of the federal government.
Congressional Resource Services. (2019). Federal Workforce Statistics Sources: OPM and OMB. Congressional Research Service. https://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R43590.pdf
Donahue, L. K. (2011). The limits of national security. Georgetown University Law Review, 48(1573), 1573-1756. https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2027&context=facpub
Ernst, J. L. (2016). The legact of Theodore Roosevelt’s approach to governmental powers. North Dakota Law Review, 92(309), 309-363. https://web-b-ebscohost-com.ezproxy.liberty.edu/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=1&sid=a3312fd8-cde4-4b19-90c9-b2543663bd4c%40pdc-v-sessmgr05
Rofe, J. S., & Thompson, J. M. (2011). Internationalists in isolationist times’ – Theodore and Franklin Roosevelt and a Rooseveltian Maxim. Journal of Transatlantic Studies, 9(1), 46-62. https://web-a-ebscohost-com.ezproxy.liberty.edu/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=1&sid=e86f3581-b766-487b-8ffa-fae84b4d1f63%40sessionmgr4006
Stevenson, C. A. (2012). America’s Foreign Policy Toolkit: Key Institutions and Processes. SAGE.
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